From Syracuse, New York, it had taken three days and nights by rail, and four by wagon travel to reach Darlington, Indian Territory, home of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, on the north fork of the Canadian river, 100 miles from the southern line of Kansas, and 150 miles west from Arkansas. For David Pendleton Oakerhater the travel time was a minor nuisance. Having been forcibly separated from his family, led away in chains years earlier by a government intent on punishing the ringleaders of the Red River Indian War of the 1870's, David Pendleton Oakerhater was finally home. It is most likely he was familiar with each of the fifty or so Cheyenne that had gathered to hear him speak. He had stood before these people on other occasions, but not to speak of following him down a “new road” taught him by the white man. He had stood before these people, and many others of his people, his face painted for war, to ask them to follow him into battle against the enemy of the Cheyenne. And many had done so, without hesitation. Now he stood before them, not as one of the leaders of the mighty Bowstring Warriors, not as a war chief, but as an Episcopal Deacon, a title and distinction they knew nothing about. How strange for him that while these fifty men and women were gathering around him to hear his softly spoken words of Jesus Christ, a few hundred yards away, hundreds of his people were involved in the Sun Dance, one of the most sacred of Cheyenne rituals. As he read from his Episcopal Book of Common Prayer, translating into Cheyenne language words his people had never heard before, he surely must have sensed the irony of the situation. Having been at one time himself a Sun Dancer, he must have wondered if his people would follow him down this new road as they had followed him before.

David Pendleton Oakerhater was Cheyenne-Southern Cheyenne to be exact. His people had moved south of the Platte River sometime during the 1830's to be closer to the buffalo and wild horses said to be roaming freely about the countryside. The exact date of Oakerhater's birth, like many events in his early life, is a mystery. At his gravesite in a small cemetery in Watonga, Oklahoma, a simple headstone placed by the family lists a birth date of 1828. A brass marker on the northwest corner of St. Paul's Episcopal Cathedral in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, lists 1847 as his date of birth. The Census and Allotment Bureau lists his birth date as 1851, and while he was living, Oakerhater did not dispute this date. The Church Pension Fund, which administered his pension for numerous years, lists his birth date as 1848. While alive, Oakerhater did not dispute this date either. In 1898 at his marriage to White Buffalo Woman (Minnie), he listed his age as 47, which would put his date of birth in 1851. In a 1903 interview with anthropologist James Mooney, Oakerhater identified two possible dates of 1845 and 1847.

Oakerhater's father, Sleeping Wolf, and his mother Wah-Nach, raised their son in traditional Cheyenne ways. He was the second of three boys. His older brother by two years was Little Medicine, while his younger brother by fourteen years was Wolf Tongue. Oakerhater's childhood name was “Bear Going Straight,” or Noksowist.¹

At the age of fourteen, Noksowist was ready for initiation into actual warfare. Although not expected to actually participate in the fighting, he was expected to absorb as much of the experience as he could. Few warriors ever forgot their first war party and Noksowist was no different. In an interview with James Mooney in 1903, 42 years after the fact, Oakerhater was still able to recall his first war party. It was against the Otoes and Missouries on the Little Blue River in Kansas.

At the time a Cheyenne boy went to war, he also joined one of the tribe's Military Societies. These Societies were all fundamentally alike in their internal organization and activities. The differences were in their paraphernalia, dress, dances and songs.² These organizations conducted various activities as well as performing various tribal services on a rotating basis. The chiefs selected a Society for these duties, and after one had fulfilled these responsibilities, the chiefs selected another Society to serve. No particular Society was considered to be more important or significant than any of the others. Membership in these organizations was voluntary, usually by invitation. Warriors could change organizations if they chose. However, it was rarely done.

There were originally five such organizations in the Southern Cheyenne tribe. The Fox, Elk, Bull, Dog, and Wolf. Most of the Societies originally bore the name of an animal. However, as time wore on, the names changed to reflect some piece of their regalia.

The Wolf, or Bowstring Society, thought to have been established circa 1815, derived their name from a peculiar lance, shaped like an elongated bow with a lance/spear head at one end. Only the Officers of the Society were allowed to carry these bows, and they were used for emblematic purposes only. The Bowstrings were considered to be one of the more progressive Societies in that they abandoned many of their early rituals featuring animal traits, replacing them with traits focusing on their regalia. It was said that the Bowstrings were the noisiest and the most festive of all the Societies.³ However, during the latter phases of the Cheyenne resistance to the white man, the Bowstring's were a major force in keeping the resistance alive. It was this Society that Noksowist chose to join. ⁴

The Southern Cheyenne did not maintain official records as to who participated in what battles. While it was not unusual for a tepee to be decorated depicting the success or deeds of a warrior in battle, official records such as those maintained by the white man were not maintained by the Southern Cheyenne. Occasionally, military field reports listed the names of certain warriors known at the time to have participated in battles, but these usually listed but a handful of the participants. Thus, it often comes down to association, hearsay, myth or family recollections passed from generation to generation in determining if a particular individual participated in certain battles. While we do not know each and every battle in which Oakerhater participated, we do know as a result of a 1903 interview with Oakerhater conducted by anthropologist James Mooney, that in 1868 Noksowist deemed himself successful enough of a warrior to have a Dream Shield made for himself by the shield maker Red Bead.⁵

The “Shield” was perhaps the most important part of the equipment of the Cheyenne warrior. Originally carried in order to deflect an arrow or spear of an enemy, due to the development of the firearm it became more of a “spiritual” piece of protection than a physical protector. Dream Shields were designed by men said to have “dreamed” the design of the Shield, usually while engaged in a “vision.” A Dream Shield was a sacred accessory. While it offered some physical protection, few warriors relied upon it for that purpose. A Dream Shield's protection was spiritual. It had “powers” bestowed upon it by the Shield-Maker. It had certain rituals attached to it that had to be strictly adhered to lest the “powers” turn against the warrior and he would be wounded in battle. Noksowist's Dream Shield required that he must hang it on a tripod outside his tepee, and turn it three times each day to face the sun. At night he had to wrap it and lean it against the tepee door so that anyone entering must pass under the Shield. He was also required to participate in every Sun Dance if he were at home.⁶

A warrior did not make his own Dream Shield. There were certain individuals known as Shield-Makers. Much like today's “copyright” protection, the designs of Dream Shields were protected and the making of a Dream Shield with a particular design was passed from Shield-Maker to Shield-Maker. Noksowist's Dream Shield was made by Red Bead, who earned the right to use the particular design from Two Buttes, who in turn was granted the right to make the Shield from Low Forehead. The pattern of the Dream Shield was called “Red Shield,” and was very old.⁷

The actual painting of Shields can involve many individuals and is ritualistic in nature. Hoebel describes a typical Shield painting ceremony:

According to Mooney's 1903 interview, the key elements of Noksowist's Red Shield's design (not to be confused with the Red Shields of the Bull Soldiers or Red Shield Society), was a “black spot” in the center of the Shield which represented Medicine Lodge Butte in the Black Hills. (Mooney identifies it as “Oqium.”) The white man via translation called it “Sun Dance or Sun Dancer Butte.”⁹ This was the supposed site of the first Sun Dance. In the 1903 interview, Noksowist described his “Red Shield:”

The “Great Race” which Noksowist alludes to is an ancient story of the Sutaio Cheyenne, which tells how the “people” came to have dominance over the buffalo. The Cheyenne legend relates that in ancient times the buffalo used to eat the Sutaio Cheyenne as well as all of the other animals. The Great Power thought it would be a good thing to have a race of all living creatures to determine if the buffalo still deserved to continue to eat the Sutaio people, or they the buffalo. The race was to be held at what was then called the Race Track, near what is now called Buffalo Gap. The Sutaio people had the birds on their side, while the buffalo had all the other animals on their side. The favorites to win the race were the coyote and a buffalo cow named Slim Walking Woman. To start the race, a coyote and a big wolf howled at the same time. The people and the animals started running toward the east over a track that had been marked out. In the early part of the race the buffalo was far ahead, but as the race wore on, all of the other animals and people, and finally even the buffalo, tired and stopped to rest. There was a bird however, a Magpie, that had been slowly, but ever so steadily flying along that did not need to rest. The Magpie took the lead in the race. The other animals, after catching their breath, began to try to catch the Magpie who was by now far ahead. As the other animals tried to catch the Magpie, they slowly, one by one, became exhausted. Some began to bleed at the mouth and feet. The ground there is still red with this blood. The Magpie, the slowest of all animals in the race, finally returned to the starting point, winning the race. Losing the race made the buffalo afraid of everything, and from this time on the buffalo always ran from humans.¹⁰

Noksowist continues with his description of his Dream Shield:

The description of Noksowist's Dream Shield is revealing and significant in that the key elements are linked to the Sun Dance. Significant due to the possibility of these elements playing a role in another mystery surrounding Oakerhater—the derivation of his name. The white man's translation of Okuhhatuh-Sun Dancer, leads us in the direction of assuming that the name relates to the “activity” of participating in the Sun Dance. Many assume that this is where the name originates—the act of dancing in the Sun Dance. There is an opinion that Okuhhatuh participated in Sun Dances as early as the age of eleven, hence his name came from his early participation. However, notes from Mooney's 1903 interview with Oakerhater specify that the “name relates to this shield,” meaning Oakerhater's Dream Shield. Mooney leads us to believe that the “black spot” representing Medicine Lodge Butte, spiritual home of the first Sun Dance, is the source of Oakerhater's name. Just as there are creditable differing sources of information relating to Oakerhater's birth, so too are there creditable differing sources of information as to the source of his name.

As to whether Oakerhater's name was derived from his early participation in the Sun Dance, or whether it is as Mooney's interview notes specify-the “name relates to this shield,” upon completion of his Dream Shield, Noksowist assumed the name of Okuhhatuh. And it was this name and Dream Shield that he fought under until 1874.

In 1874, the explanation is lost to history, Okuhhatuh relinquished his Red Shield and its spiritual powers to his younger brother Wolf Tongue. While we do not know exactly why he gave up his Shield, we do know that it was not all that unusual for an experienced warrior to relinquish his Shield. It could be that with Wolf Tongue beginning his warrior years his brother wanted to bestow the protection of additional “spiritual powers” to his inexperienced brother. It could also be that the rituals and taboos surrounding the Red Shield had become too much of a day-to-day burden, and the seasoned warrior wanted relief from the responsibilities surrounding the Shield. For whatever reason, his younger brother Wolf Tongue now carried the responsibility of the Red Shield.

The same year that Okuhhatuh accepted the responsibilities of the Red Shield, he also accepted the responsibilities of being an Officer of the Bowstrings. As such an officer, he merited the status of War Chief. The War Chiefs were those who had proven their skills on the warpath, but either due to a young age or perhaps because they had not yet shown a certain level of maturity, they were not Tribal chiefs or Medicine Men. As a War Chief, Okuhhatuh was an officer of the Bowstrings which was a position of authority and responsibility, usually reserved for the bravest of each Military Society. As an officer of the Bowstrings Okuhhatuh carried a full-feathered lance signifying his status within the organization. He also wore a headdress and whistle that “belonged to the lance.” The headdress consisted of a single upright feather with an attachment of yellow porcupine quills, black at both ends. The whistle that “belonged to the lance,” was plain eagle bone without down, on a yellow-quilled buck skin string, and was blown during battle. The feather bow lance consisted of four sets of crow feathers of six each, alternating with five sets of hawk feathers. There were also two hawk tails of the same kind as on the pony's tail. The feathers were attached to a sheath of blue-painted hide crossed in four places by the old folded buffalo hide. A bowstring ran along the underside, hence “Bowstring.”¹¹

By 1872 Okuhhatuh had been a warrior for quite some time. He had battled under the protection of his “Red Shield” for four years. He was making a name for himself. It was time to start a family.

While the breaking of a Cheyenne marriage was not a particularly burdensome thing for a male — he could divorce for whatever reason he felt might keep him from living peaceably with his wife-marriage did have certain expectations. There was the expectation of a period of courtship and the exchange of gifts. When a Cheyenne male felt he had won the favor of the woman he wished to marry, he sent a messenger with gifts, usually horses, to the prospective bride's father. The father had twenty-four hours to make the decision. If the decision was favorable, the bride's father sent her, and with her a number of horses, often more than the prospective son-in-law had originally sent, to the lodge of the young man's father. If the answer was unfavorable, the horses presented as a gift were returned to the young man's father's lodge. Marriage without the consent of the father and the conventional exchanging of gifts was unusual. It was not, however, unusual for a Cheyenne male to have more than one wife at the same time, often marrying sisters. However, it was rare that a man had more than two or three wives at one time.¹²

It was also not uncommon for a Cheyenne male to be given a wife out of appreciation by the family of a friend killed in battle. A man who befriended a wounded warrior, or who took care of a dead man's body when the death occurred away from home, was often given via marriage a sister or female cousin of the dead man by the family in appreciation for taking care of the fallen warrior.

Okuhhatuh married Nomee (Thunder Woman) in 1872 following traditional Cheyenne customs. While the exact date is not known, we do know that Okuhhatuh also took a second wife, Nanessan (Taking Off Dress) in addition to Nomee. By 1878, Okuhhatuh had divorced Nanessan, and the one daughter born to them had died. Okuhhatuh remained married to Nomee until her death in 1880. Nomee bore Okuhhatuh three daughters, all dying by 1880, and a son, who died in 1881.¹³

In the spring of 1874, a Comanche medicine-man named Isa-tai, sprang up among the Quahada Comanches. He claimed wonderful and miraculous powers had been given him by the Great Spirit. He convinced the Comanches that now was the time to rise up and fight. He also managed to convince a good many Cheyennes and almost one-half of the Kiowa's to join the Comanches on a raid into Texas to fight the Tonkawa's, avenging an earlier killing of Comanches. However, the raid would not take place as word of the intended attack reached Ft. Griffin and arrangements were made for the Tonkawas to be safely housed at Fort Griffin. Primed for a fight, the Indians were not about to let the removal of the Tonkawas deprive them of a battle. There were more than the Tonkawas deserving of “revenge.” There were the hide hunters.

As if the illegal killing of thousands of buffalo on Indian land by the hide hunters was not enough to incite the Indians, the Indians also had to contend with horse thievery. There was a great deal of stealing of Indian horses by gangs of white men going on at the time, with Dodge City being the headquarters where horses of “questionable ownership” could be sold without questions or proper papers of ownership. In 1873, Little Robe and several other Cheyenne and Arapaho chiefs traveled to Washington, D.C. to complain about violations of the Medicine Lodge Treaty, specifically the killing of the buffalo and the stealing of Indian horses on their land. The Treaty specifically prohibited such activity and the chiefs wanted the Treaty enforced. They received the usual assurances, but the illegal activity continued. In his report, contained in the 1874 Report to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, U.S. Indian Agent John D. Miles stated,

When 43 valuable horses were stolen from Little Robe, a band of young Cheyennes, led by Little Robe's son, Sitting Medicine, attempted to recover the horses but were unsuccessful. The band of young Cheyennes, in turn, decided to right the wrong by stealing some cattle, but were engaged by a party of United States Cavalry who happened to be patrolling the southern Kansas border. Sitting Medicine was badly wounded in the melee, with rumors of his death spreading throughout the region. War parties began to exact revenge on whatever white men happened to cross their paths. If the Government wasn't going to enforce the Treaty, the Indians would. At least, some of the Indians would. Not all of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes chose revenge. Chief Powder Face of the Arapahoes, Chiefs Little Robe, Old Whirlwind, and Whiteshield of the Cheyennes, all moved their camps closer to the agency. Even though the white man's peace was far from desirable, they had had enough of the white man's war.

Undaunted by the unavailability of the Tonkawas to satisfy their thirst for revenge, approximately 700 warriors of a mix of Cheyenne, Comanche, and Kiowa, led by Quanah, chief of the Comanche, were massing to attack a small outpost called Adobe Walls. While the exact number of Cheyennes participating in this “ mix of 700” is unknown, the 1874 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs lists approximately 300 Cheyenne lodges as “ absent without leave and supposed to be hostile.” Okuhhatuh was one of these 700 warriors. ¹⁴

Adobe Walls was known by the Indians to be the headquarters of buffalo hunters who were killing what the Indians considered to be “their buffalo” by the thousands. Adobe Walls was nothing to look at, yet to many it was an Oasis in the desert. Located on the north side of the Canadian River in the Texas Panhandle, it was situated on a low knoll surrounded by open ground which sloped towards the tree-lined East Adobe Walls Creek. It was named after a near-by old abandoned supply post, built in the 1840's. There was nothing “adobe” about it, consisting of 4 “wood and sod” structures and a corral. The structures were logs standing on end, placed in a trench, with sod filling the spaces between the logs. The roofs were also made of sod piled on supporting logs. The structures were in a line facing east, running north and south, approximately 700 feet long.¹⁵ Crude even in its day, it nonetheless represented the best security from the Indians for miles around, to say nothing of having the only Saloon. As they say in the real estate business, “location is everything,” and Adobe Walls had it. Used by as many as 200 hide hunters, it provided a close-by market for their hides as well as a base from which they could operate.

Isa-tai had the band of 700 warriors primed for battle. Convincing the warriors that the white man's bullets would, “stop in gun — bullets not pierce shirts,” the leader of the war party, Quanah, Chief of the Comanche, didn't need to provide any pep talks. Before the attack, on the south bank of the Canadian, the 700 paused long enough to paint themselves for war. Okuhhatuh described his “battlefield” appearance,

Okuhhatuh also prepared his horse for battle as prescribed by the tradition of his Dream Shield,

As a member of the Bowstring Soldier Society, Okuhhatuh also carried a full-feathered lance and a head dress and whistle that “belonged to the lance.” The head dress consisted of a single upright eagle feather with an attachment of yellow porcupine quills, black at both ends. He also carried a whistle made out of plain eagle bone without down, on a yellow buck string which he blew during fighting. The feather bow-lance had four sets of crow feathers of six each, alternating with five sets of hawk feathers. There were also two hawk feathers of the same kind as on the horse's tail. The feathers were attached to a sheath of blue-painted hide crossed in four places by the old folded buffalo hide. A bowstring ran along underside, hence “Bowstring.”¹⁸

Family members of Okuhhatuh relate that Isa-tai met with Okuhhatuh before the battle and told him that he would not be wounded in the on-coming battle. That as Okuhhatuh charged the structures at Adobe Walls he would be able to see the bullets of the white man coming toward him and he would be able to dodge these bullets.¹⁹

On the dawn of June 27, 1874, Billy Ogg, a hide hunter at Adobe Walls, rather than going back to sleep or engaging in whiskey at dawn, decided to go to the nearby creek and bring back some horses in an effort to get ready for the day's activities. Whether Billy Ogg found the Indians or the Indians found Billy Ogg is uncertain. What is certain is that Billy Ogg survived the quarter-mile sprint from the creek to the structures at Adobe Walls, collapsing to the floor in utter exhaustion just as the first shots from the Indians began hitting the saloon's doors. The Battle of Adobe Walls was on!

The first fatalities of the fighting were two white men, Ike and Shorty Shadler. Due to the oppressive heat they had decided to spend the night outside in their wagon. Keeping hidden in their wagon, under covers, they hoped to ride out the attack undiscovered. However the prying of a Comanche named Mihesuah sealed their doom. Killed and scalped, the Indians taunted those inside the Walls by remaining just outside of rifle range and dangling the Shadler brother's scalps.

The initial stages of the attack gave much credence to Isa-tai's medicine. The Indians had surprised the hide-hunters. They had taken two scalps early. They had captured a few wagons full of hides. They had made repeated charges with few casualties. However, they had not been able to penetrate any of the structures. Quanah himself had raced straight for the front door of one of the structures, backed his horse up to the front door and tried kicking the door down. But the door held. He even dismounted and tried to knock the door down with the butt of his rifle, but the door held.

Isa-tai, sitting naked on his horse, both horse and warrior painted yellow for battle, began to see his medicine fade. Recovering from the initial shock of the attack and realizing that the Indians were not going to be able to penetrate the structures, the hide hunters began to realize a certain confidence in survival which began to equate into more accuracy in their shooting. The Indians found that after having killed just about all of the hide hunter's horses and stock, as the battle wore on the only thing being killed were Indians. A meeting was quickly held by the Indian leadership to determine whether it was wise to continue the attack. Quanah, himself wounded, questioned whether Isa-tai's medicine had run its course. When a stray bullet suddenly killed Isa-tai's horse, the matter was pretty well resolved. The Indians made no more attacks on the structures. But they did maintain a sporadic lookout and siege. This ended a day later however when a group of about twenty warriors, observing the activity of the whites from a little over half-a mile away, heard the boom of a rifle. Suddenly one of the warriors was hit by a bullet. The warriors knew that Isa-tai's medicine was no longer good. The battle of Adobe Walls was over. Billy Dixon, who had a reputation as somewhat of an excellent marksman, had fired the shot that had hit the astonished Indian warrior. Dixon's shot was later measured at precisely 1,538 yards, about eight tenths of a mile.

It is hard to know exactly how many times Okuhhatuh charged the structures at Adobe Walls. But if the story related by his family members is true, he was able to see the white man's bullets coming and hence able to dodge them. While Isa-tai's medicine was questionable that day, his premonition/prediction of Okuhhatuh's safety was sound. Okuhhatuh, unscathed throughout the battle, would live to fight another day. Other warriors were not so lucky. A few days after the attack had ended, a party of Cheyennes went back to Adobe Walls hoping to retrieve the bodies of the dead warriors they had not been able to retrieve immediately after the battle. Adobe Walls was abandoned, but the heads of nine dead warriors had been cut off and nailed to a long pole stuck in the ground.²⁰

The Battle of Adobe Walls was in the eyes of the Indians, a defeat. The strong medicine of Isa-tai proved weak. There was no appreciable revenge on the part of the Indian, and there were many dead warriors to account for. The Battle of Adobe Walls was in fact a humiliation for the Indians.

Unfamiliar with the Staked Plains, the hostile Cheyennes moved back into the area surrounding their Agency. For the whites, this was perhaps the most unprotected area in the region. Camp Supply, which was a small garrison, was essentially the only protection. To the south, Fort Sill was the closest protection. To the north, it was Fort Dodge in Kansas. Fort Bascum in New Mexico was the closest protection to the west. Within this area the Cheyennes, Okuhhatuh among them, made their stand.

Perhaps the most ironic of the various raids committed by the Cheyennes during the uprising occurred on July 3, 1874, when a grain-laden wagon train on the road to Fort Sill via the Darlington Agency was attacked. There were three drivers who were killed and scalped. The Wagon master, Patrick Hennessey, who had been warned hours earlier that his life was in danger if he continued his route, was also captured, chained to the wheel of his wagon, buried under his cargo of oats and corn, and burned alive. While the Cheyennes were noted for their brutality, the burning of Hennessey was actually the work of a band of Osage Indians who happened upon the scene. The irony of the attack was that Hennessey's load of oats and grain had been specially dispatched to the Kiowa-Comanche Agency in response to Indian Agent Haworth's pleas for food for the Indians. The site of Hennessey's death became what is now the town of Hennessey, Oklahoma.

While they were quite successful in striking terror in the eyes of the whites in and around the Darlington vicinity, there was not unanimity among the warriors. Not all of the Indians had initially entered into the fighting. Although numbering less than 300 Indians altogether, Chiefs Little Robe, White Shield, and Old Whirlwind had remained at the Agency. There were those among the hostiles that now wanted to return to the Agency. But the leaders went to great efforts to keep the warriors in tact. The Bowstrings, of which Okuhhatuh was a primary figure, were noted as being among the most aggressive in enforcing that all stayed.

Adding to the thought of giving up the hostilities and returning to the Agency was the reaction of the military to the uprising. It is significant to note that by July 25, 1874, almost one month to the day after the Battle of Adobe Walls, the military under the command of General Sherman had developed and received approval by President Grant of a strategy to deal with these 700 hostiles. The military was determined this uprising would not become a lengthy campaign.

In short, the strategy developed by Sherman, was to protect those Indians who were in their designated Agencies. All other Indians would be considered hostile, hunted down, captured and punished. Provisions were also being made at the time for imprisoning the chiefs and ringleaders of the captured hostiles.The Army listed fourteen battles fought during the next three months. However, while there were instances of battles, it was really the strategy of keeping the Indians on the move, not letting them replenish their already depleted supplies that began to take its toll. The war continued through the winter.

However, in early March, 1875, the last remaining group of hostile Cheyennes surrendered at Darlington. The physical sight of these Cheyennes was described by the Indian Agent as being:

They were still spirited enough however, that they had only surrendered their bows and arrows. They had buried their rifles for another day.

In determining exactly which of the Indians would go to prison, there were two separate selections, one at Fort Sill and the other at the Darlington Agency. Each selection had its distinctions. The selection process at Fort Sill, wherein the Kiowa's and Comanche's were scrutinized, and the military insisted that the selections be done by Tribal leaders themselves. Painful as it was, Striking Eagle reluctantly selected 27 Kiowa's, while Chief Horseback reluctantly selected 9 Commanches. An additional Caddo was also added to the group.

At the Darlington Agency, on April 6 the selection process was handled by Lt. Colonel Thomas H. Neill, Colonel of the Sixth Cavalry, in an entirely different manner which came under protest by Acting Indian Agent J.A. Covington. According to Covington, Lt. Colonel Neill, his sobriety very much in question, had the former hostiles line up, with various individuals identifying those warriors known to have participated in hostile acts against the Government. Taking much longer than anticipated, “night came on before the list was completed, and Lt. Colonel Neill, in order to get his complement of prisoners...ordered eighteen struck off from the right.”²² It was the striking off of the eighteen from the right that brought about Covington's protest, noting that among the eighteen was no proof or verification of participation in hostile acts against the Government. Covington complained that the process was unjust. Promising to deal with correcting the last eighteen selected at a later time, which never came to pass, the selection process was completed. In total, 72 Indians were selected for imprisonment. The list included 33 Cheyenne, of which Okuhhatuh and his older brother were a part; 2 Arapahos; 27 Kiowas; 9 Comanches; and 1 Caddo.

There are accounts relating that Okuhhatuh and his brother were among the “eighteen struck off from the right.” The fact that Okuhhatuh and his brother's crime against the government were listed as “ringleader,” would lend credence to this belief. There were others with specific charges against them such as murder, kidnapping, abuse, etc. The lack of a specific charge would support the notion that the two brothers were selected near the end of the selection process. With time running out, “ringleader” would cover the technicality of a charge against the government.

Descendants of Oakerhater however relate that Okuhhatuh was not among those originally selected to go to prison. They indicate that Okuhhatuh pleaded with the military to accompany his older brother who had been selected. The family members stated it was a matter of honor for Okuhhatuh to accompany his older brother.²³ As to whether Okuhhatuh was among the eighteen struck off from the right, or whether he pleaded with the military to be allowed to accompany his brother as a matter of honor, the result was the same. Okuhhatuh was among those assigned to Fort Marion.

On a list of the prisoners assigned to Fort Marion developed after the prisoners had been at the Fort for some time, there were characteristics listed for each prisoner. Okuhhatuh was identified as a Warrior, age 33, 145 pounds, height 6 feet ¼. At the time of incarceration, the military made efforts to interpret from Indian to English names of those going to Fort Marion. Okuhhatuh was renamed “Making Medicine,” which was a loose translation of “Sun Dancer,” or one who “made medicine” at the Sun Dance. Okuhhatuh used this name throughout his imprisonment.

Special Order No.88 instructed First Lieutenant R.H. Pratt, 10^th Cavalry, to take charge of and accompany the Indian prisoners from Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, to Ft. Marion, St. Augustine, Florida. Special Order No. 88 further instructed Lt. Pratt to remain in charge of these Indians until further orders were issued.

Guarded by two troops of the Fourth Cavalry commanded by Major T.J. Wint, the prisoners were transported from the Darlington Agency to Fort Sill. Together with the prisoners from Fort Sill, the prisoners traveled by wagon to Caddo Station, Indian Territory. From Caddo Station the prisoners traveled to Fort Leavenworth, then to Indianapolis, St. Louis, Louisville, Nashville, Atlanta, Macon, ending the long train ride, which was the first such excursion for all but a few, in Jacksonville. From Jacksonville the prisoners were transported by steamboat to Tocoi, Florida. From Tocoi they were transported by railway a scant 20 miles to their final destination, Fort Marion. As could be expected, there were incidents along the way.

However, the first incident of note happened before the prisoners were even on the road. The prisoners were to be shackled or “ironed” before being loaded into the transport wagons. During this process, some of the Indian women there to see the prisoners off, began to taunt the prisoners as they were “ironed.” One warrior, Black Horse, stung by the criticism, pushed his way past the blacksmith doing the “ironing” and attempted to escape. As he made his futile effort to run, one of the military guards shot him down. The Indians on hand to witness the departure of their loved ones initially returned the fire of the military with bows and arrows.

It is important to remember that the Indians had just recently surrendered. There was no “trust factor” developed between them and the military. The Indians were still very suspicious as to how they would be handled by the military. In the back of their minds at least two incidents — Sand Creek and the camp on the Washita — where under the proposed protection of the military they had witnessed their loved ones being slaughtered, still lingered. They had seen eighteen of their warriors sentenced to the Florida prison by an Army Officer whose sobriety was in question

The atmosphere was charged. The sound of a rifle and the sight of an Indian falling to the ground ignited the already short fuse.

As noted earlier, the Indians had surrendered many of their weapons. But they had also buried many of their weapons. Buried them in the sand hills 2 miles north of the Darlington Agency. In his official report to the U.S. Army Headquarters, Lt. Col. Neill described the battle as follows:

Thus ended what turned out to be the last major battle of the 1874 Indian War. This battle represented the first time a Gatling Gun was used in the Southwest against the Indians. The question of whether the Indians had pre-selected the sand hills site as Lt. Col. Neill had suggested remains a mystery. Whether pre-selected or not, the three sides of the sand hills backed by the North Canadian River, proved a formidable site to penetrate. The nighttime escape of the warriors was accomplished by fording a roaring torrent of water of the North Canadian River, the result of heavy rains after a drought.

Lt. Col. Neill came under a good deal of scrutiny for not only the question of his sobriety at the time of selecting those individuals to be sent to prison at Fort Marion, but also for his failure to account for the rifles used by the Indians during the Red River War of 1874 at the time of their surrender. Within weeks after handling the individuals sent to Fort Marion, Neill was replaced at the Darlington Agency by Captain Wirt Davis, Fourth Cavalry. ²⁴

Fort Marion, originally named Castillo de San Marcos, was constructed between 1672 and 1696, and is the oldest masonry Fort in the United States. Located in the town of St. Augustine, which was established in 1565 by Spain for the purpose of protecting its sea lanes, the Castillo was built entirely of the shell-rock formation called coquina, which is somewhat soft when taken from the ground, but hardens under exposure to the weather. Having successfully withstood several sieges in the first half of the eighteenth century, the Castillo was named Fort Marion after Florida became United States Territory, and served as a United States Army Post. In 1924 it became a National Monument.²⁵

Lieutenant Pratt described the arrival at the Fort as follows:

Pratt, convinced that Indians could be taught the white man's ways if handled with dignity and respect, immediately set about to improve the living conditions. After the initial first weeks, which resulted in considerable sickness and several deaths, Pratt was able, after considerable effort, to bring about some changes in the handling of the prisoners. Their shackles were removed. Army clothing in the form of uniforms was provided. The whole group was allowed to move to the terreplein on the north side where the Indians themselves had built a large one-room shed which improved the breathing conditions. Rough board beds were made with mattresses filled with grass. The efforts of Pratt had an immediate effect upon the prisoners. Their cooperation and positive response to the changes brought about by Pratt created a sense of “trust.” This “trust” level improved to the point where Pratt was able to gain permission (he had to pledge the forfeiture of his army commission if it failed) to allow approximately 50 of the prisoners (mostly comprised of the younger men) to form a company with sergeants and corporals, carry weapons (old guns that would not discharge) and to use the Indians to guard themselves. (For the three years the Indians were prisoners there was not a single mishap under this arrangement.) Pratt was even able to bring about employment for the prisoners. “Sea Beans” found along the shore were collected, polished, and sold to those visiting St. Augustine. Pratt arranged with the principal dealer of these Sea Beans in St. Augustine to have the Indians polish the beans for which they would be paid. Within the first months of incarceration, these “hostiles” had made about $1,600 with which they could purchase personal items.

Richard Henry Pratt was truly a remarkable man for his time. He was born in Rushford, New York, in 1840. Enlisting in the Union Army at the outbreak of the Civil War, by the end of the conflict between the states Pratt had worked his way up from Corporal to Captain. In 1864 he married Annie Laura Mason and the couple would have four children. He enlisted in the regular Army and was made a First Lieutenant and was assigned to the Tenth Cavalry, a Negro regiment with white officers. Assigned to Fort Gibson, Indian Territory, he was placed in charge of the Indian Scouts. During the next eight years his experiences with these Indian Scouts helped form his opinion of the Indian. An opinion that he would boldly act upon. An opinion that would have a significant impact upon the Cheyenne warrior Okuhhatuh, now known as Making Medicine. It is not difficult to imagine the horrors that the Indian prisoners would have endured were it not for this man's faith and trust in them as human beings. Willing to place his military career on the line in their behalf, in his day and time, his actions were daring and often unpopular among his military peers. He not only risked his military career if he failed, to a certain extent his military career was even more at risk if he succeeded.

The implementation of having Indian prisoners guard themselves was the initial step in Pratt bringing to fruition his belief in the Indian as a human being capable of adapting to a new lifestyle—that of the white man. Pratt selected approximately fifty of the younger prisoners to make up the “guard.” He felt it was important that his guard be managed as much as possible from within the prisoner's own ranks. Having observed the prisoners for several weeks, Pratt chose Okuhhatuh, now known as Making Medicine, to be First Sergeant of the Company. It almost goes without saying the faith and trust Pratt must have had for Making Medicine to award him with such an honor and responsibility. This was Pratt's first real experiment with proving the prisoner's worth as human beings. His first example, if it failed, would seriously jeopardize all future efforts. The choice of Making Medicine to be one of the leaders, a role model, was no small honor. Making Medicine's charge as First Sergeant of the Company was to organize the daily drills each morning, oversee an inspection of the men to ensure cleanliness and proper dress, select the daily Orderly to assist Pratt that particular day, and essentially serve as the ranking Officer of the prisoner corps in the absence of Pratt.

The selection of Orderly for the day was quite a competition among the men, as it meant running errands and conducting tours of the Fort as opposed to standing guard. The selection of Orderly for the day was quite a competition among the men, as it meant running errands and conducting tours of the Fort as opposed to standing guard. Pratt relates a story about Making Medicine and his selection of the daily Orderly:

Another example that illustrates Sergeant Oakerhater's commitment to his rank and responsibility can be found in his handling of disciplinary action. As the trust level with the prisoners increased, privileges were accorded. One such privilege was being allowed to go to the ocean for recreation and recuperation. On one such visit, the Indians were visited by a boating party of young people from St. Augustine. One of the young ladies had struck up a friendship with Big Nose, a young Cheyenne. Upon the conclusion of the visit by the boating party, Big Nose was persuaded to accompany the group back across the bay under the promise that he would be returned at once to the other side of the island from where he could get back to camp. Big Nose made the mistake of not getting permission for the excursion. He was late in getting back to camp and Pratt determined that disciplinary action was in order. Big Nose was assigned the task of carrying a log of wood on his shoulder until midnight. Sergeant Oakerhater was assigned the responsibility of monitoring the disciplinary measure. Early the next morning Pratt awakened and observed that Big Nose was still carrying the log of wood on his shoulder. Sergeant Oakerhater was still monitoring the situation. When Pratt asked why Big Nose was still carrying the log on his shoulder, Sergeant Oakerhater replied that it was a very bad thing the boy had done and that Pratt's punishment was not severe enough, so he had kept him at it all night.²⁸

These two stories reflect not only Making Medicine's eagerness and adeptness at learning his assignment, it also illustrates the extent of pride and commitment to which the “guard” went to become a “unit,” every bit as good or better than their white counterparts. The “guard” became so proficient at their drills and guard duty assignments that within six months Pratt had received permission to replace the army regulars guarding the prisoners with the “guard.” Prior to this replacement, there had been several incidents where the white soldiers assigned guard duty had been found to be either drunk or sleeping while on duty. After Pratt obtained permission for the “guard” to govern themselves, there was not a single instance in the remaining three years where a member of the guard was found to be drunk or sleeping while on duty. Pratt also related the story of when the Commander of the Department of the East, General Winfield Scott Hancock, visited the fort, coming unexpectedly at the drill hour. Unnoticed by anyone, General Hancock proceeded to watch the Indians who were going through movements at double quick time with laudable precision. After watching the Indians drill for some time, General Hancock was eventually recognized. Pratt, who was also observing the drill, approached General Hancock. Impressed with the performance General Hancock inquired of Pratt, “What troops are these, sir?” To which Pratt related these “troops” were the Indian prisoners performing their daily drill.²⁹ General Hancock, mistakenly assuming these men were Army regulars, was most impressed.

While many things had begun to improve the Indian prisoners' environment at Fort Marion, the prisoners were still hundreds of miles from their families and loved ones. In June of 1875, Pratt requested that the prisoners' families be allowed to come to Florida and be with them. In his letter requesting this action, he quoted Kiowa Chief Mamanti:

We are termed by all the white people a very lazy class of men, not willing to do anything for our own support. This is not so. We have been taken away from our women and children, relatives and friends, chained and sent down to this place to remain, we do not know how long. We are willing to show that we are not too lazy to support ourselves. If there is anything ‘Washington’ wishes us to do, tell us what it is and ‘Washington’ will see how willingly we will do it. We do not care what kind of work it is. We want to show ‘Washington’ that we are willing to do anything he wants us to do. We want to learn the ways of the white man, first we want our wives and children and then we will go any place and settle down and learn to support ourselves as the white men do. If you go with us and ‘Washington’ says so, we will go across the big water. We want to learn how to make corn and work the ground so we can make our living, and we want to live in a house just as the white man... There are great many Indians at Fort Sill and in that country who have done more bad work than we have, and why should they be allowed to go free, and be happy with their families and we are sent down here as prisoners to live in these dark cells. That is not right.³⁰

The request reached General Sheridan who considered the request as “mere Indian twaddle.” Sheridan reminded Pratt that his prisoners were “unmitigated murders of men, women, and children without a single particle of provocation.” Manmanti was the Medicine Man who was known to have led a Kiowa war party on an attack of a wagon train in 1871. Nonetheless, Sheridan approved the request, but only for each man's immediate family circle. Overall, the Indian prisoners identified 95 individuals as family members wishing to come to Fort Marion. Making Medicine requested that his wife and child be sent. As Making Medicine still had two wives at this time and the list the military provided did not contain actual names, it can only be conjectured that he was indicating Nomee (Thunder Woman) and their child, a son, which had just been born. In June of 1876, Manimic, a Cheyenne chief imprisoned along with Making Medicine, received an “Indian picture-writing” from his family in Indian Territory. Included in this picture-writing were depictions of Making Medicine's family. The picture-writing depicted both his wives with two of his children going together to mourn at the grave of his dead child. The dead child belongs to Nanessan (Taking Off Dress) his second wife. The picture-writing conveyed to him that both his wives were still alive and that they were getting along with each other, and that Nomee (Thunder Woman) had successfully given birth to the child that she was pregnant with at the time of his imprisonment. At this time, Making Medicine has two children, a daughter by Nanessan and a recently delivered son by Nomee. ³¹

On July 23, 1875, a Memorandum was issued approving that one wife and children under the age of twelve (12) be taken by the military to Fort Marion. However, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs rejected the request approved by General Sheridan, and on August 13, 1875, a Memorandum revoking the order to allow relatives to go to Fort Marion was issued.³² The Indian prisoners would not have the comfort of their wives and children during their stay at Fort Marion. Chief Mamanti, who had so clearly stated that the Indian prisoners would do anything ‘Washington’ asked of them if they could just be reunited with their families, died a month later.

Pratt knew that if the Indian prisoners were to have any chance of surviving in the white man's world, an understanding of the English language and the ability to read and write would be essential. In a letter to a Doctor Agnew, Pratt wrote:

Pratt had already managed to teach the prisoners a few commands in English used in their drill. They had learned these words easily and Pratt was encouraged that they could learn a whole lot more if given some instruction. He immediately set about to implement rudimentary education classes for the prisoners. In his dealings with some of the residents of St. Augustine, Pratt had made friends and interested some of these friends in helping with the development of the prisoners. Additionally, some of the “Florida Boys,” as they were now identified by the St. Augustine citizens, had become familiar with some of the St. Augustine's via visits to the town and attendance at church on Sunday's. Pratt had put the men “on their honor as men” to have liberty at times in town. On Sunday's they were allowed to choose their own place of worship—Episcopal, Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, or Methodist. Many of the men soon established themselves as regulars in one or another of these congregations. This image as men capable of appropriate behavior did much to dispel the initial impression as “savages” and led to encouraging certain individuals in St. Augustine with talent for teaching to step forward and volunteer their services.

Among the first and most diligent of the volunteer teachers was Miss Sara Mather. Together with Mrs. Pratt, these two ladies started introducing the “Florida Boys” to the English language. Large letters of the alphabet, as well as pictures of animals, ships, buildings, etc. were placed on the walls of casements that had been converted into classrooms. The prisoners began to learn to identify, in English, what some of these pictures represented. As word spread throughout St. Augustine that Pratt was attempting to provide the Florida Boys with an overall education, additional individuals began to volunteer to teach. Two sisters, Mrs. Couper Gibbs and Mrs. King Gibbs, widows of two brothers, both killed in the Civil War, volunteered their services. Mrs. Couper Gibbs taught the prisoners how to use carpenter tools, which astounded the prisoners that a woman could be so skilled at a man's trade. Initially, only the younger prisoners participated. The older men determining they were past the age of learning new “tricks.” However, as the younger men began to experience success, some of the older men showed an interest. Mrs. Pratt and Miss Mather began to instruct the older men separate from the younger men. As time wore on, some of the regular winter visitors to St. Augustine also got involved during their stay, to the point to where four to six women were coming to the Fort five days a week for two hour sessions in the morning. The Bible was the primary source of reading and education, and with assistance of the two interpreters assigned to Fort Marion, Romero and Mr. G.W. Fox, the women shared stories and eventually introduced the written word. By March, 1877, Pratt reported that “upwards of thirty of the younger men can now read in the first reader, and are just in the state of advancement where they can understand and make themselves understood.”

Mrs. D.C. Carruthers from Tarry-town-on-the-Hudson, whom Pratt identified as one of the most successful of the volunteer teachers, described the classes from a teacher's point of view.

The overcoming of the language barrier on the part of the prisoners was no small accomplishment. The instruction was being offered by women. White women. These prisoners were warriors coming directly from a culture where warriors did not receive “lessons” in how to do much of anything from women. A warrior received his instructions from an older warrior—from one man to another. The male bonding experience was significant in the Cheyenne culture. To have to struggle with pronouncing words new to them, which at times made them look and feel foolish, in front of a woman was humiliating. Fortunately the women volunteers were sensitive to the prisoner's plight as was Pratt. Visitors to classroom instruction had to be approved by Pratt and he was careful to guard the dignity of the prisoners as they struggled in their initial efforts to learn the white man's language. Later, as the confidence of the prisoners improved, the prisoners' shyness decreased and they became eager to display their new found language.

Making Medicine took well to the instruction. After a year of school he was calling the roll in English and publishing the details. Sometime prior to March, 1877, he began signing his name in English — Making Medicine. By December, he was exchanging letters with Mrs. Alice Key Pendleton, a tourist who had befriended him and with whom he had developed a friendship in the early months at Ft. Marion. (Making Medicine had given the Pendleton's daughter Jeanie some books of his drawings which led to the friendship, and eventual sponsorship for additional training in New York upon Making Medicine's release from prison.) In early 1878, Pratt reported that while Making Medicine was not as advanced in speaking English as some of the other prisoners, in comprehension he was equal to any.

While archery lessons and handicrafts captured the attention of the citizens of St. Augustine and the tourists from the East, the most popular item produced by the prisoners was their artwork. And Making Medicine's artwork was among the most popular. The artwork created by the Fort Marion prisoners was unique in that it represented a break from the traditional artwork of the Plains Indians.

The artwork that came out of Fort Marion began to differ from the traditional Plains Indian art in that the prisoners began to focus less upon themselves and their feats, and more upon things. The earliest known drawing book from Fort Marion was by Making Medicine.³⁵ His artwork depicting “scenes” such as ceremonies, dances, and the stalking of wild animals was extremely popular among the locals and tourists of St. Augustine. In fact, the popularity of his artwork ultimately led to his close relationship with the Pendleton family of Ohio, who subsequently sponsored his education in the East upon his release from Fort Marion.

Interestingly, very few of the Fort Marion artists continued to produce any artwork after their release from Fort Marion. There is speculation that it was due in large part to the economic climate back on the reservation that simply could not support any type of commercial venture. There is also speculation that the lack of materials and the difficulty in obtaining such materials discouraged further artistic efforts. Whatever the reason, Making Medicine did not create any further known works of art after his release from Fort Marion.

By late March, 1877, Pratt had been led to anticipate the possible early release of the prisoners. Pratt was convinced that many of the younger prisoners could be further educated, and in fact, wanted further education. Having received authority from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to arrange for the education of any Indian prisoner so interested, Pratt assembled approximately thirty of the younger prisoners and put the question to them — if the opportunity and funding to further your education in the east came about, how many would be willing to undertake the process? Nineteen volunteered. Making Medicine, however, in what must have been a major disappointment to Pratt, was not among the nineteen to step forward.

Making Medicine's reasons for rejecting the additional education were kept to himself. It would certainly be easy to understand his desire to return to his wife and son — a son he had never seen. His older brother, Little Medicine, was also absent from the nineteen volunteers. So, if he went east for additional education, it would be without family. He was in his mid-thirties, ten years older than most of the other volunteers. Perhaps he felt he was too old to learn new ways. Whatever his reasons, he had made the decision that upon release, he would return directly to his home in the Territory.

If we are to believe his words included in the February letter to the Adjutant General, and there is no reason not to believe his words, he had converted to Jesus Christ - “given myself to him.” Possibly because he had made his faith public knowledge, he had come to the attention of Mary Douglas Burnham. Whatever the reason for her interest in him, it was an interest that would shape his future.

Mary Douglas Burnham, born in Quincy, Massachusetts on May 13, 1832, was the oldest of nine children, six of whom lived to adulthood. During her growing-up years, the family lived in Quincy and moved in 1840 to South Boston. Mary Burnham was no stranger to the American Indian. In 1863, at Emmanuel Church in Boston, she founded a society for the support of Episcopal missions to the Indians. This society was later called The Dakota League. In February of 1878, Deaconess Burnham, while visiting her brother Henry and his family in St. Augustine, Florida, made the acquaintance of Pratt, and was introduced to the Indian prisoners at Fort Marion. Learning of Pratt's intentions to bring about the further education of as many of the prisoners as desired such an education, Burnham began in earnest to arrange for some of the prisoners to return with her to the east to study for the ministry.³⁶

Just as Making Medicine's reasons for initially rejecting the offer of further education after release from Fort Marion is a mystery, so is his turnaround and subsequent acceptance. We do know that Mary Burnham discussed the matter with Making Medicine and many attribute her influence directly to his decision to return with her to the East. What exactly swayed Making Medicine to go East instead of returning to his family in the Territory can only be speculated. It would stand to reason that having not seen his family for almost three years would be the most significant reason for wanting to immediately return home and would represent the biggest barrier to him deciding to pursue further education in the East. During his years in prison many significant events had occurred with regard to his family. His remaining daughter from his second marriage to Taking Off Dress (Nannesan) had died. During this time he also divorced Taking Off Dress (Nannesan) via Indian custom. A son had been born to him and Thunder Woman (Nomee) shortly after he had left for prison. We do know that in July, 1878, Mary Burnham inquired of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agent as to whether he thought Making Medicine's wife could be induced to join Making Medicine in Syracuse.³⁷ The response was evidently encouraging because Burnham immediately set about to raise the necessary funds to bring both Thunder Woman (Nomee) and her child to Syracuse with the intent of instructing her in how to be the proper wife of a Deacon.